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Saturday, February 25, 2006
John Bolton at the Federalist Society Student Symposium
12:40 - As the appearance of another perennially vilified Bush administration figure nears, the seats are suddenly filled here in Jerome Greene Hall. Everyone around me—all were also here at the morning panels—is wondering how many of the additional folks are protesters. We shall see. Earlier, John Yoo was heckled by a crotchety old man mumbling something about Nuremberg and Professor Yoo’s, he asserted, inevitable similar fate for authorizing the “Shooter-in-Chief” to “torture”. He was sort of an, old, sad man. The sort who would sit through two hours of intelligent debate (the panels here are evenly split between internationalists and sovereigntists) just to shout near-incomprehensible insults at a man he doesn’t know. He was promptly out-clapped when John Yoo concluded his typically quiet and calm response, which was essentially a re-statement of everything he had said in the first round. Evidently the heckler hadn’t been listening. Then again, he was probably too busy crafting his heckle to listen to either Yoo or his informed opponents on the panel.
12:48 - John Bolton enters the room flanked by three men on each side. Leonard Leo, Executive Vice President of the Federalist Society, introduces Bolton. “While some may choose to dismiss Ambassador Bolton’s policies as aggressive and imperialistic, those pundits are wrong.” [Laughter.]
John Bolton begins speaking, and I’ll provide a rough transcript of the highlights. The de facto theme of his address: “You would think…”
I would like to begin with what history will record as one of President Bush’s most important actions in connection with national security, a policy begun before 9/11 but one that will be borne out over time as very significant. Decision to withdraw US from ABM treaty of 1972. The national security reasons for this decision were clear. [There’s now] no realistic concern that we face a strategic nuclear attack from the Russian federation. The prohibition on Ballistic Missile development, which by the way only applied to US and Russia, left us vulnerable. We were unable to develop even a limited national ballistic defense.
[Decision to withdraw from the ABM treaty] caused much gnashing of teeth among, I’ll have to put this carefully, the ‘international lawyer community’. The fears of those who opposed our decision to withdraw have been proven wrong [especially] in the prediction that it would cause a new arms race. It simply has not happened. [And the] elimination of ABM treaty has helped encourage a new strategic relationship between US and Russia.
[The Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty is] a clear indication of how the mythology of treaty development can impede our ability to protect ourselves in the world.
One would think we’d all be happy with this continued reduction in strategic nuclear forces. But for those of us that are real international lawyers, only thousand page treaties that force us to do things we don’t want to do constitute [legitimate international law].
Some of the things we’ve been discussing in the United Nations… We’re engaged in a really significant struggle over whether we’re going to achieve significant reforms in the way the UN as a whole is governed, operated, and managed… An organization that is deeply troubled by bad management, extensive corruption, [and an] inability to carry out the missions that are given to it. Oil for Food… This kind of corruption and mismanagement don’t spring up overnight… the problems in the Oil for Food program arose from the culture of the United Nations itself. This culture is now being examined in other [fora] as well. There are investigations in New York of broader problems with UN procurement… That’s probably just the tip of the iceberg because of the way business was done at the UN for many years. Just a few months ago, the UN implemented a gift limitation for its employees to $250 per person per year. That replaced the old policy of $10,000 per person per year.
Sexual exploitation by UN Peacekeepers… a problem pervasive in UN Peacekeeping operations for [many years]. For most of that period of time there has been a wall of silence with respect to the peacekeeping operations. [This is a] stain on the United Nations’ reputation. We find that the opponents of significant reform have chosen not to debate the issues of… fraud and sexual exploitation… but have begun to make the argument that the United States and other permanent members of the Security Council are encroaching on the authority of the General Assembly. This is an interesting argument, since without the creation of peacekeeping missions and troops by the Security Council, there wouldn’t be procurement fraud or sexual exploitation [to begin with]. You would think that we might spend our time cooperating on how to resolve these problems, but that’s an unrealistic view of the United Nations. Instead we argue over who has responsibility to handle these problems.
The question of Iran’s nuclear weapon program… The administration together with its allies has been trying to deal with Iran… through the IAEA for three and a half years now. [IT has] passed ten or so resolutions calling for the Iranians to comply with their obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, almost all of the substantive provisions of which the Iranians have violated over the years. Now you would think that the proponents of stronger international institutions and international law would say that… these violations should have troubling consequences for the Iranians. But ironically many people are arguing that in fact these resolutions are not binding and that only Security Council can issue binding [resolutions].
[The Iran question has brought about a] curious inversion: it has resulted in a devaluation of the importance of the IAEA itself. Much of what happens in the Security Council and much of what happens in the General Assembly… what it comes down to in the case of Iran is whether we’re going to be effective in making Iran comply with its obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty that it voluntarily [acceded to]. Through all of this, the United States has been encouraged by its allies in Europe and around the world to keep working through the United Nations, which is what we’re doing. But we have to be clear… if at some point this isn’t working, we must ask are we prepared to accept a nuclear Iran? Which we’re not. [Laughter.] And what this says about the effectiveness of the IAEA.
It is not acceptable to Iran to have nuclear weapons. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
QUESTIONS
Q: To what extent do you feel the United Nations is impaired by the United States’ actions in Iraq without having gained support?
A: I think there’s no question that there was substantial opposition in the United Nations Security Council with the policies pursuant to our policies in Iraq. [But] that was a reflection of broader attitudes in the world as a whole. But the real point of the actions that we took—and I have no reservations about it now even given the history—is that the efforts over years to get Saddam Hussein to comply with UN resolutions… there was not a sufficient majority in the Security Council to enforce the Security Council’s own resolutions. If the body that passes the resolutions doesn’t have the wherewithal to enforce its own resolutions, what are we going to do? I have no doubt whatever that there was [Bolton does air quotes and intones sarcastic.] Sufficient Legal Authority [End air quotes.] so that we didn’t need to go back on the two security resolutions, let alone 1441. [Laughter.]
Q: The Iranian president recently called for a Muslim seat on the Security Council—
A: I wouldn’t hold my breath. [Laughter and applause.]
Q: Neither would I, but is it likely that there would be any additions or subtractions on the Security Council?
A: The five permanent members that are there today that were put there in 1945 would not necessarily be the five permanent members if we were starting today. The claim is that that more representatives are needed because it is a larger institution. The permanent members weren’t put there to be representative; they were put there because they won WWII. And then France was added. [Laughter and applause.]
We do support changing the Security Council [but] the question is who deserves to be a permanent member. We favor a permanent seat for Japan… because of its importance in the world economy. It is a responsible power and should have a permanent seat. It is a fault of the United Nations system that we can’t figure out a way to get Japan on there.
Q: If you were the supreme leader of the UN…
A: Not likely. [Laughter.]
Q: What changes would you make and at what point did you learn the secrets of the power moustache, and what would you say to someone who aspires to have one?
A: I won’t divulge the last secret. [Laughter.] There are a lot of things you can do to change the United Nations. We’re trying a lot. President Bush is very seriously committed to this and so is Secretary Rice. But many are due to structural problems. The UN pays 22% of the United Nations’ assessed budget and 27% of its peacekeeping budget. That makes it the largest contributor. The next major contributor is Japan with 17%. In the General Assembly, 96 votes constitutes an absolute majority. The countries paying the lowest assessments, adding up to the lowest 96, pay less than 20%. Yet we have on everything the one nation-one vote rule. A happy propensity for countries to spend other peoples’ money. There are a lot of suggestions of how to change that system. We have looked for example at the difference between United Nations agencies that are funded by voluntary contributions versus [agencies with an assessed and automatic budget]… there is a completely different mentality in the World Food Program because they know that if the bilateral donors don’t think that their resources are being used effectively, they’ll take them somewhere else. The best-run UN agencies are all funded by voluntary contributions. Relationship between financing and voting power would be the one thing I go for.
Posted on February 25, 2006 03:37 PM. Permalink 




